The death of Hadi Saleh

WHEN they came for Hadi Saleh, they found him at home in Baghdad with his family. First they bound his hands and feet with wire. Then they tortured him, cutting him with a knife. He finally died of strangulation, but apparently that wasn't enough. Before fleeing, his assailants pumped bullets into his dead body.

No group claimed credit for his assassination on 4 January this year. Nobody knows for sure who carried it out. But for many Iraqis, the manner of his death was a signature.

Iraq has never been a very safe place for trade unionists, socialists or democraticminded people. In one of the few times when Iraqi progressives seemed to be on top (in 1958) they finally threw out the king. For a few years, organizing unions and breaking up the big estates were not just dreams but government policy. Oil was nationalized and the revenue used to build universities, factories and hospitals. That vision of Iraq shaped the political activists of Saleh's generation and still holds their loyalty today.

The growth of Iraqi labour and women's organizations is being attacked by both Iraqi insurgents and the US occupation. These workers in the State Leather Factory in Baghdad are explaining how hard it is to survive on the wages dictated by the US occupation.

Photo: David Bacon

Some 35 years ago, Saleh's vision led to his being arrested, accused of being a trade unionist and a 'red' by the Ba'athist Government that Saddam Hussein would one day lead. Narrowly escaping execution, he spent five years in prison. On his release he joined many of his compatriots who'd already fled into exile, where he lived for over 30 years.

When Saddam Hussein and the Ba'athists finally fell, Saleh and his friends returned to reorganize the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions. He became its international secretary. And even under a brutal US military occupation, they began seeking ways to turn into reality that old dream of a progressive Iraq.

In two years the IFTU has organized 12 national unions for different industries and successfully challenged the US occupation's low-wage regime. But success has had its cost. Saleh's murder is the latest in a series of attacks on workers and unions: a response to their increasing activity. Attacks come from US troops and the Iraqi Government as well.

By making him a bloody example, Saleh's murderers had two objectives. For the Ba'athists among the insurgents, the growth of unions and organizations of civil society - from women's groups to political parties - are dangerous deviations. Their hopes of returning to power rest on a military defeat for the US without a corresponding development of popular progressive organizations that can govern a postoccupation Iraq.

Trying to stop those organizations from using the elections to organize a support base is a second objective. None of Iraq's new unions support the armed resistance and they all call for an end to the occupation. But even progressive Iraqis disagree about the elections.

Some, like the Union of the Unemployed, boycott the process as a charade organized by the occupation. But others on the Iraqi Left think a mass-based political party with a radical program could win the actual power to implement it once the occupation is gone. Organizations from the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), to which Saleh belonged, to the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq of Shi'a Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani see elections as a vehicle for winning power. That is why in exile the ICP condemned the war and US invasion but when the occupation started it joined the Governing Council. Indeed, two of its members were ministers in the Allawi interim government.

The armed resistance doesn't want them around. And, despite talk of democracy, another dependable dictator would be more palatable to the Bush Administration than popular resistance to the free market plan. Saleh's assassination makes plain the extreme lack of security of Iraqi leftists caught between the two.

David Bacon

Labour the point

]Iraqi workers lost no time in reorganizing their country’s banned labour movement once the US occupation of Iraq began over a year ago. The resulting union activity is helping Iraqis secure higher wages despite the best efforts of US-appointed governing bodies and companies to contain them. As Washington plans the privatization of Iraq’s economy, Iraqi workers and unions accuse the US of keeping wages low to attract foreign investors. On 19 September 2003, the Coalition Provisional Authority – headed by US diplomat Paul Bremer as an interim administration in post-Saddam Iraq – published Order 39 to permit 100-per-cent foreign ownership of businesses. It also listed a host of state enterprises to be sold off, including cement and fertilizer plants, phosphate and sulphur mines, pharmaceutical factories and the country’s airline.

Around the same time, the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) lowered the wage base for Iraqi public-sector employees (the majority of the Iraqi workforce) from the rates set when US troops first arrived in Iraq – ranging from $60 to $120 – to $40 monthly. The CPA also eliminated housing and food subsidies. In addition, it enforced a 1987 law banning unions in public enterprises and added ‘Public Order No 1’, which allows the arrest of anyone who ‘incites civil disorder’. This course has not materially altered since the CPA handed power over to a US-appointed Iraqi government in June this year.

The lowering of wages and benefits has encouraged an upsurge in labour activity. Thus when Iraqi longshore staff in the port authority in Um Qasr began organizing a union in November last year, Port Director Abdel Razzaq fired three port workers for trying to organize. Razzak had been installed by the US company given the contract to operate the port – Stevedoring Services of America. He was fired as a result of the worker protests. While dockers still don’t have recognition for their union, six workers’ committees now operate openly in Um Qasr and other ports. Wages for dockers now start at 75,000 ID ($53) per month.

Then, in December, South Oil Company workers threatened to strike against the CPA’s September wage reduction. The Oil Minister immediately agreed to return to the pre-September scale. Unrest spread to the Najibeeya, Haartha, and Az Zubeir electrical generating stations where workers mounted a wildcat strike and stormed the administration buildings. The Ministry agreed to return to the old scale.

South Oil Company unionists finally forced the CPA to raise wages: a concession that eventually spread to most oil workers, and then to power stations.

Other sectors have followed. The Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions has managed to force de facto recognition for metalworkers at Baghdad’s Al Nassr car parts factory, and a minimum wage of 150,000 ID ($106) per month. The Railworkers Union increased wages for workers at Railways of the Iraqi Republic from 75,000 ($53) to 125,000 ID ($88) per month, with equal pay for men and women.

But a new threat looms. If public industries and utilities privatize, workers fear new corporate owners will cut costs by laying off workers. A recent study by the economics faculty of Baghdad University, reported by Al Jazeera, says unemployment has hovered at 70 per cent since the occupation began. Iraq has neither unemployment benefits nor welfare systems, so the loss of a stable job in a state enterprise condemns a family to hunger and misery.

‘Multinational companies should not be allowed to reap easy profits at the cost of the well-being of Iraqis,’ says Abdullah Muhsen, international representative of the IFTU. ‘The IFTU welcomes foreign investments that bring much-needed technology and jobs for Iraqis. But we oppose privatization.’

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