New Internationalist


September 2011
Rita Willaert (under a Creative Commons licence)
Stallholders at the spice, vegetable and fruit market in Yerevan. Rita Willaert (under a Creative Commons licence)

Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, nestles under the shadow of Mount Ararat; on a good day you can see the mountain through the mist and the smoke. It’s an odd kind of town, centred by a downtown government and shopping quadrant that has all the glitz of Glendale, California, or even Beirut – both homes to significant parts of the large Armenian diaspora. Yerevan is one of the oldest continuously occupied cities in the world, which is a point of pride for Armenians who have outlasted a series of foreign occupiers – Persians, Ottomans and Russians. The prosperous Kentron District and the area bordering historic Republic Square have been a hive of construction cranes since the early 2000s as money from the wealthy developers of the diaspora has poured into new hotels, boutiques and luxury residences.

But move much beyond the lively and bright cafés serving surj (Armenian coffee) and freshies (fruit smoothies) in this small central district and the aspect shifts to some of the worst urban poverty – blighted Soviet-era highrises and neglected infrastructure – in this part of the world. It’s like moving from light to darkness. More than a third of all Armenians live in greater Yerevan, but very few are able to afford the luxury of the city centre. Beyond Yerevan the Armenian countryside is remarkably beautiful and almost half the population (46 per cent) are still involved in agriculture.

Armenia suffers one of the worst levels of economic inequality among post-Soviet ‘transition’ countries, with the poorest 55 per cent of the population earning just 16 per cent of the national income. For this group, underemployment and poverty wages are the daily diet, only alleviated for those with family abroad by occasional remittances. This inequality, together with the decaying industrial base and a relative lack of natural resources, has impaired the economic performance of the mountainous state. Corruption (particularly in the police and the judiciary) remains a serious problem.

The country has also been plagued with political authoritarianism – another persistent feature of many post-Soviet societies. Armenians have become deeply suspicious of election results since they were manipulated by the regime of Robert Kocharian (President from 1998 to 2008) who greatly enriched himself and his inner circle while in office. His successor, Serzh Sargsyan, violently suppressed demonstrations in 2008 protesting the manner of his ascent to power; 10 protesters were killed. There have recently been some signs of political liberalization, with renewed discussions between government and opposition and the first serious attempt to resolve issues with Turkey since the Armenian genocide of 1915 to 1920.

Armenians have long lived under the shadow of the modern world’s first mass genocide when Turks (with official encouragement) systematically murdered some 1.5 million of their Armenian neighbours. Memory of it has engendered quite a different attitude to Russia from the hostility one finds in neighbouring states that were also once part of the Soviet Union (particularly in Georgia) – to Armenians, Russia was and is widely seen as some protection from ‘the Turks’. Today an eternal flame and a museum dedicated to remembering the genocide overlook Yerevan. The largely Christian Armenians remain deeply suspicious of ‘the Turks’, a term that has come to signify all Muslims – including the neighbouring Azerbaijanis, with whom Armenia fought a 1994 war over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. Many unresolved issues still divide Armenia and Azerbaijan but there was at least a start to negotiations in 2011.

For Armenians, the question remains whether living with a proud but tragic past will prevent them from coming to terms with a viable and sustainable future in a Caucasus region often unforgiving to those who miscalculate.

Armenia Fact File
Leader President Serzh Sargsyan.
Economy GNI per capita $3,100, among the poorest of the former Soviet states. (Azerbaijan $4,840, Russia $9,370). There is a serious balance of trade deficit, with imports almost three times the value of exports. But the economy has grown steadily – GDP has grown at an annual average of 6.2% since Soviet times, with bigger growth in recent years. Extreme poverty was reduced from 28% to 7% between the mid-1990s and the mid-2000s. New activities include processing precious stones and producing jewellery, while tourism is picking up pace.
Monetary unit Dram.
Main exports Pig iron, nonferrous metals, diamonds, mineral products and foodstuffs.
People 3.1 million. Annual population growth rate 0.2% (only recently recovered from negative growth due to emigration). People per square kilometre 103 (UK 253).
Health Infant mortality 20 per 1,000 live births (Azerbaijan 30, Russia 11). Lifetime risk of maternal death 1 in 1,900 (US 2,100). HIV prevalence rate 0.1%. Access to decent sanitation 90% and access to clean water 96%.
Environment There is deforestation resulting from the energy blockade from Azerbaijan; the Sevana Lake has been drained for irrigation and hydro power; the soil is contaminated by DDT and other toxic substances. There are inadequate safeguards for the ageing Metsamor nuclear plant.
Culture Ethnically very homogeneous, with 98% of the population Armenian. The largest minority used to be Azerbaijanis but they fled the country at the time of the 1994 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Religion Overwhelmingly Christian, with 93% belonging to the Armenian Apostolic Church.
Language Armenian. Many speak Russian as an unofficial second language.
Human development index 0.695, 76th in the world (Azerbaijan 0.713, Russia 0.719).
Last profiled link June 1997
Armenia ratings in detail
Income distribution
The poorest 55% of the population earn just 16% of the national income.
Previously reviewed
Life expectancy
74 years (Azerbaijan 71, Russia 67). The highest life expectancy among former Soviet states, above even the Baltic states.
Previously reviewed
100%. Primary school net enrolment/attendance is 99%.
Previously reviewed
Position of women
Women have legal equality and rates of female literacy and school attendance are the same as for males. All births have a skilled attendant. But there has been a decline in the economic position of women since the transition to a market economy and violence against women remains a serious concern.
Previously reviewed
A multiparty democracy but there has been manipulation and repression of opponents and critical journalists by the governing party under both the Kocharian and Sargsyan regimes. There are widespread reports of police brutality.
Previously reviewed
Sexual minorities
Homosexuality is legal but there is still widespread intolerance.
NI Assessment (Politics)
Persistent inequality and corruption continue to undermine the formal democracy of the political system. The current Sargsyan government has been making timid reform noises – freeing a few political prisoners, a political opening to Turkey and offers of concessions on some Armenian-occupied Azerbaijani territory. But Armenian democracy still resembles the autocratic habits of Putin’s Russia. Most young activists choose involvement in human rights and other NGOs rather than the political arena.

Front cover of New Internationalist magazine, issue 445 This column was published in the September 2011 issue of New Internationalist. To read more, buy this issue or subscribe.

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Country ratings (details)
Income distribution2
Previously reviewed2
Life expectancy5
Previously reviewed4
Previously reviewed4
Position of women4
Previously reviewed3
Previously reviewed2
Sexual minorities3
NI Assessment (Politics)2

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This article was originally published in issue 445

New Internationalist Magazine issue 445
Issue 445

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