New Internationalist


June 2010

Israel’s checkpoint ‘terminal’ in northern Bethlehem welcomes those leaving the city to ‘Jerusalem’ – even though you’re still in the West Bank. There is no ‘Palestine’ in most Western atlases – but you can see the pre-1948 map in cramped homes in refugee camps and the offices of bureaucrats. ‘Palestine’ may now often be used to refer simply to the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), but this is contested by the Palestinian refugees expelled by Israel over 60 years ago, as well as the Palestinian minority inside Israel who remained.

Since 1967, the West Bank and Gaza Strip (or OPT) have been under Israeli military occupation. Soon after Israeli rule began, the state began authorizing and facilitating the creation of Jewish settlements in the OPT, in contravention of international law. Over time, large amounts of private and public land in the West Bank have been expropriated, in order to expand the settlements, create bypass roads, and reserve areas for Israeli military training. The Palestinian economy in the OPT became highly dependent on Israel’s economy, providing a workforce and a market that could be exploited or sidelined according to fluctuating political priorities.

The Palestinian National Authority (PA), established in the 1990s and controlled by Fatah (the largest surviving wing of the Palestine Liberation Organization), was granted limited autonomy in 17 per cent of the West Bank, in territorially non-contiguous enclaves. During the height of the Second Intifada (2000-03), the PA’s infrastructure was badly hit by Israeli military action, with the economy thrown into a deep depression. Long-awaited Palestinian elections in January 2006 saw Hamas win a parliamentary majority, only to have its victory met by opposition from Israel, the international community, and elements of Fatah. The tensions between Fatah and Hamas led to the latter forcibly taking control of the Gaza Strip in summer 2007, pre-empting a suspected coup attempt.

Repeated attempts to negotiate a path to ‘national unity’ have ended in failure. In the West Bank, the current PA Prime Minister, Salam Fayyad – a former World Bank official – has focused on securing modest economic gains and establishing ‘law and order’ in the larger cities. The clampdown on criminal gangs has been welcomed but there is widespread dismay at the extent to which Palestinian security forces are suppressing internal dissent, as well as closely co-operating with the Israeli military.

Many Palestinians feel things have never been worse than they are now. The international peace process shows no sign of progress, even under the new Obama administration, and Israel continues its occupation with impunity. The Palestinian political leadership is divided and discredited. East Jerusalem is increasingly cut off from the West Bank, in a clear indication of the Israeli political consensus that the city will remain the ‘united, Jewish’ capital. The Gaza Strip remains under a state of siege, with Israel and Egypt severely limiting who and what can come in and out. Its residents were also subjected to a massive assault by the Israeli military in December 2008, with 1,400 Palestinians killed, and thousands of homes and businesses destroyed. Hamas’ rule in the Gaza Strip is unshaken, though the pressures from the ongoing siege, as well as the emergence of Salafist-leaning Islamist groups, have led elements in Hamas to attempt an incremental ‘Islamization’ of social space in Gaza.

Yet there are a few chinks of light. Palestinian society as a whole continues to display resilience and cohesion, and the well-developed democratic traditions of civil society are a vital reservoir of resourceful strength. In many West Bank villages, a nonviolent resistance movement targeting the Wall and settlements has established itself and is gradually attracting international attention. Worldwide, the Palestine solidarity movement has witnessed significant growth, notably in response to the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions in 2005.

Ben White
Palestine Fact File
Leader Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian National Authority; leader of Hamas in Gaza not disclosed.
Economy GNI per capita $1,230 (Israel $24,700, Jordan $3,310). The Palestinian economy is highly dependent on international donors, as well as the Israeli market. Annual figures consistently put Palestinian exports to Israel as around 90% of the total.
Monetary unit Israeli new shekel
Main exports Key export goods include stone and marble, manufactured goods like textiles, as well as fruit, vegetables, olives, and livestock.
People 4.1 million is the official UN figure for the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Millions of Palestinians live in Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and the wider diaspora. Annual population growth rate 3.4%.
Health Infant mortality 24 per 1,000 live births (Israel 4, Jordan 17). The dramatic rise in poverty and unemployment after 2000, as well as harsher Israeli occupation policies, have contributed to an increase in public health problems. Reports indicate that Palestinian children have been experiencing increasing levels of stunted growth and malnutrition, particularly in the besieged Gaza Strip.
Environment The environment has been neglected by both the Israeli occupation and the Palestinian Authority. Since 1967, Israel has drawn on the Palestinian territories’ underground aquifer for its own citizens and settlements, while West Bank Palestinians have faced severe restrictions on water usage. The basic quality of the water in Gaza is now severely compromised.
Culture Arab. Palestinians regard themselves as a distinct group, with family origin in Palestine (rather than language or religion) as the defining characteristic.
Religion Muslim (mainly Sunni) 97%; Christian (Eastern Orthodox) 3%.
Language A unique dialect of Arabic. Hebrew and English are common second languages.
Sources UNICEF, UNDP, information supplied by the author.
Palestine ratings in detail
Income distribution
There is a significant income disparity between poorer, rural communities and refugee camp residents on the one hand, and an urban, politically connected élite on the other.
Life expectancy
74 years (Israel 81, Jordan 73).
The literacy rate in the West Bank and Gaza stands at 93%, giving the OPT one of the best rankings in the Middle East.
Position of women
Palestinian women fare better than in other Middle Eastern countries, but continue to struggle against patriarchal social traditions. In the Gaza Strip, measures taken by the Hamas authorities to ‘Islamize’ aspects of life has been a backward step for women’s freedoms.
Under the Israeli occupation, Palestinians are subject to severe attacks on personal freedom, from detention without trial to extrajudicial assassination. Palestinian security forces are also responsible for politically motivated arrests, whether under the PA in the West Bank, or Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
Sexual minorities
Homosexuality is not illegal but remains a taboo issue in the OPT, and few Palestinians will openly ‘come out’, for fear of ostracism or even physical attack. The increased strength of Islamist politics has only made this worse.
NI Assessment (Politics)
For Palestinians in the OPT, Israel’s military regime continues to define their daily lives, as it has done for more than 40 years. Fighting for self-determination and decolonization, the Palestinians’ basic rights regarding property, freedom of movement, and political association are systematically denied by the Israeli occupation. Meanwhile, internal abuses of power have reached the level where some Palestinians believe the next intifada will target the PA as much as it does the Israeli military.

This column was published in the June 2010 issue of New Internationalist. To read more, buy this issue or subscribe.

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Country ratings (details)
Income distribution2
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NI Assessment (Politics)2

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This article was originally published in issue 433

New Internationalist Magazine issue 433
Issue 433

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